An evolving index of independent, reproducible data essays on how people rate their lives — each hand-built from survey microdata: the GSS, Gallup (US Daily and World Poll), and the World and European value surveys.
Run the same model of happiness at every age and a different predictor takes the lead each decade: relationships in youth, money in midlife, politics at the door of retirement, faith and health at the end — and self-rated health is the only force that leads at every age.
The conservative–liberal happiness gap is a geography, not a constant. Republicans rate their lives the same wherever they live; Democrats slide downhill the redder the county — so the gap converges to zero in blue states and yawns widest in the reddest, most rural ones.
Adjusted within country for age, income and gender, religious attendance in Europe tracks more meaning (+0.36 SD never→daily), a worthwhile life and a higher life-rating — but not a calmer or less-depressed week. Faith buys purpose, not mood.
The conservative happiness advantage in the GSS is about 7 points. Adjust step by step for marriage, churchgoing, income and health and ~75% dissolves — religion does the most work, income almost none — but a stubborn quarter (1.8 points) survives every control.
How Europeans rate their lives and how their week actually felt mostly agree (r=0.86) — but the calm-and-anxiety dimension pulls apart (r=0.50), and a few countries feel notably better or worse than their life-rating predicts.
Across the Values Surveys, people who place themselves on the political right report higher life satisfaction than those on the left in 89 of 99 countries — a near-universal gap of about half a point, holding rich and poor, free and unfree.
Rank Europe by how people rate their lives, by how their week felt, and by whether life feels worthwhile, and you draw three different maps. Meaning refuses to follow satisfaction — Kosovo is 21st of 29 on life-rating but first in Europe on meaning.
In the General Social Survey, U.S. conservatives have reported being very happy more often than liberals in 31 of 33 years since 1974 — a ~7-point gap that runs through happiness and mental health, but not physical health.
A 2017 map of European life satisfaction: a Nordic and Alpine peak (Switzerland 8.0, Norway 8.0, Finland 7.9) above a still-lagging East (Ukraine and Bulgaria 6.2) — and the same geography largely repeats for freedom and health.
In secular, low-fertility Europe marriage still carries a clear life-satisfaction premium (married 7.25 vs widowed 6.31) — but having children does not: the satisfaction line stays flat from zero kids to four.
The feeling of freedom and control over your own life is Europe's strongest correlate of life satisfaction — stronger than health — positive in almost every country, and it rose most in the post-communist East.
Across Europe, the further right people place themselves, the more satisfied with life they report — a clean gradient from 6.85 (far left) to 7.42 (far right), and it survives adjustment for who sits where.
After 1989, life satisfaction across the former Eastern bloc collapsed to a 1999 trough (~5.7), then recovered and converged toward the West — the cross-country spread shrank as Romania (+1.6) and the Baltics climbed.
Run the same model of life satisfaction in poor and rich countries and the ingredients shift: financial satisfaction’s grip eases, the sense of freedom nearly doubles in weight (0.14→0.27), and the pull of relative income rank fades to zero.
Since 1981 national life satisfaction grew more alike: the post-communist world climbed ~2 points out of its mid-1990s trough (Albania +2.4, Ukraine +2.2) while some wealthy nations slipped, and the cross-country spread fell 49%.
Across 100+ countries and 40 years of the Values Surveys, the sense of freedom and control over one’s life predicts life satisfaction better than income or health — a within-country coefficient of 0.30, and r=0.77 across 107 national averages.
Financial satisfaction tracks where Americans think they rank more than the dollars they actually have: the perceived-rank gradient spans a full point and saturates at the top, and adding rank to a model collapses the income effect by about 61%.
Real family incomes rose about a third from 1972 to 2022, but Americans' satisfaction with their finances never followed — the share 'pretty well satisfied' fell from 33% to 23%, and beneath the flat average the top and bottom thirds pulled apart from 0.43 to 0.62 points.
Americans leave the faith they were raised in at four times the rate they did fifty years ago — and what that costs in happiness depends less on where you started than on where you stand now.
Religion is good for happiness — but it's the showing up, not the believing, that does the work: attendance carries roughly twice the happiness of private prayer or belief, and survives when both are entered together.
Having someone to count on is worth about 1.5 ladder points — one of the largest gaps in well-being — and a generous welfare state, far from substituting for it, makes that private safety net matter more, not less.
The belief that the system gives you a fair shot has quietly collapsed — agreement fell from 78% in 2000 to 45% in 2024 — and that belief is worth real happiness.
Daily distress runs high for LGBT Americans everywhere, but how poorly they rate their lives widens where the county climate turns hostile — and in those same places, fewer people say they are LGBT at all, so the widening gap is a lower bound.
Ask whether Black or white Americans are happier and the honest answer is: by which measure? They rate their current lives slightly lower, yet report calmer days — less worry and less stress — at every income level, and most among the affluent.
Americans disagree enormously about how much better their lives will get — and the least hopeful group is the white working class, not the poor of color.
Take two Americans on the same paycheck and drop one in a richer county — the comparison drags down the middle, barely touches the rich, and slightly lifts the poor.
Across a decade of daily interviews, Americans rated their own lives higher when their party held the White House — and the partisan gap flipped sign at each handover. Both sides do it; it is the winning that moves the mood.
Across 155 countries, people who give — money, time, or a hand to a stranger — rate their lives higher and feel better day to day; the link holds in rich countries and poor ones alike, and is strongest for giving money.
Across 155 countries, women rate their lives at least as high as men in nine of ten places — yet report more daily worry, sadness, and stress. Two gender gaps that point opposite ways, each with its own inequality gradient.
Across countries, being religious lifts your life rating only a little — and barely more in devout societies than secular ones. But the experiential dividend of faith, less daily distress and more felt support, swells sharply where religion is the social norm.
Inside almost every country, richer people both rate their lives higher and feel better day to day — but the life-rating slope is steeper than the mood slope in 96% of countries, and the gap widens with development.
For fifty years, married Americans have reported more happiness than everyone else — a gap that has barely budged, and that survives even after you account for who tends to marry.
Across 143 countries, faith tracks higher life evaluation and better days — but mainly where life is hard. As nations grow richer and safer, the religious advantage bends toward zero.
In the 1970s American women called themselves happier than men. A famous study watched that lead vanish — extend the data eighteen more years and the decline doesn't continue, it dissolves into noise.
Money buys the feeling of enough everywhere and never stops — but Central Asia feels richer than its GDP, southern Africa poorer, and the countries that rate their lives best are not the ones that feel paid.
In 2020 daily worry, sadness and stress hit fifteen-year records across 93 countries — yet the world’s rating of its own life didn’t fall: +0.22 ladder points with China, +0.04 without.
Since 1974 the General Social Survey has asked the same four questions: how often do you spend an evening with relatives, with friends, with neighbors, at a bar? The company thinned. The glow stayed. And the people who still gather now look happier, relative to those who don’t, than they did when the asking began.
In the 223 counties that voted for Barack Obama in 2012 and Donald Trump in 2016, people rated their day-to-day lives almost exactly like residents of similar counties that never flipped. What sagged, years before any ballots were cast, was the future.
Fifty years of social-capital theory promised that civic-rich places would matter most for people with the thinnest personal ties — or, in the rival telling, least. In 921,639 Gallup interviews, the answer is sharper than either story: the gap barely moves at all.
Deaths of despair gave America a mortality map. Buried in 1,769,079 Gallup interviews is the question that map raises: which feeling lives in the places where people die? Not sadness. Not worry. Pain — and a future that looks shorter than the present.
For more than a decade, social science fought over whether money stops buying happiness around $75,000. Re-run the question on 1.8 million Gallup interviews — the same survey the fight began on — and the answer is that everyone was staring at the wrong line.
As people age worldwide, the mind's agitations fall — stress peaks in midlife and anger hits a lifetime low by 65+ — while pain (18%→47%), sadness and health limits climb. Whether old-age worry eases or deepens is sorted by money: 0.31 in rich countries vs 0.47 in poor.
The famous midlife dip and old-age rebound in happiness is real but local: vivid in the wealthy Anglosphere (+0.53 ladder points recovered), absent or inverted across the post-Soviet world (−0.28). Only 34 of 156 countries show a genuine U.
From 2006 to 2019 the world grew happier and nations grew more alike — but inside 39 of 42 countries, the distance between the happiest and unhappiest citizens widened.
Across the income ladder, how people rate their lives climbs steeply while daily enjoyment plateaus above poverty and stress barely moves — what money most clearly buys is freedom from worry.
The share of Americans who say most people can be trusted has nearly halved since 1972 — 47% to 25% — while the durable happiness gap between trusters and the wary held firm.
In the GSS, happiness has always risen gently with age. Over the past decade the youngest adults fell to a 50-year low — 1.80 in 2021, 1.91 in 2024 — pulling away from everyone else.
Across 2.46 million interviews, the share of Americans 'thriving' in how they rate their lives spans about 19 points between states — and at the county level it tracks income, rurality, and deaths of despair.
Ten years and 3.5 million interviews show partisans' life evaluations crossing twice — once when Barack Obama took office, and again, in the opposite direction, when Donald Trump did.
Case and Deaton mapped where Americans die of suicide, drugs, and alcohol. Gallup spent a decade asking Americans how yesterday felt. Lay the feelings over the deaths, and the measure that tracks the mortality map best is not sadness, not worry, not even life satisfaction. It is physical pain — followed closely by the belief that the future holds nothing better.